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[KODAO KLASIK] ‘Sayaw sa Bubog’ by Chickoy Pura of The Jerks, Nato Reyes of BAYAN

Today marks the 38th anniversary of the EDSA People Power revolt that ousted the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr. who was replaced by Corazon Aquino of the landlord class. The Ferdinand Marcos Jr. government did not bother to declare today as an official holiday.

This performance by Chickoy Pura of The Jerks and Renato Reyes Jr. of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan was performed in a Benigno Aquino ouster rally in March 20, 2015. The song warns against blindly placing one’s hopes for social change in members of the ruling elite.

There have been two Marcoses and two Aquinos as presidents.

ORAS DE PELIGRO FILM REVIEW: What People Power Really Looks Like

By L. S. Mendizabal

4 out of 5 stars

Last February 25, Filipinos commemorated the 37th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Uprising—a series of nationwide public protests in 1986 that culminated in the ouster of former president, Ferdinand Marcos, Sr., after 21 years of dictatorial rule. On the same day, his son and namesake, and current president, sent a wreath of flowers to the People Power Monument, calling for “peace, unity and reconciliation.” Meanwhile, his sister, Senator Imee Marcos said she “could never stomach celebrating” (the anniversary).

What is there to make peace with, or celebrate anyway? None of the Marcoses have been held accountable for the billions of pesos they stole from the people, or the tens of thousands of Filipinos they had killed extrajudicially, tortured, “disappeared” and incarcerated illegally.

And yet, Joel Lamangan’s latest offering with Bagong Siklab Productions’ Oras de Peligro, has an optimistic air about it that is difficult to ignore as it pierces through the series of tragedies which befalls its main protagonists. One familiar with Lamangan’s filmography knows all too well that serial tragedies are kind of his thing. Never subtle, rarely complex and almost always campy, it is easy to imagine any Lamangan movie reworked as a play, or stretched out into a teleserye with little revision. This has, time and again, been Lamangan’s undeniable cinematic mass appeal. And Oras is no different. His vision, married with that of Bonifacio Ilagan and Eric Ramos’s writing, makes the film a compelling watch for the contemporary mass audience.

Oras is, at its core, a family drama. Dario Marianas (Allen Dizon) is a farmer’s son who has found work as a jeepney driver in the city and built a family with a housemaid, Beatriz (Cherry Pie Picache). They earn barely enough to be able to send their daughter, Nerissa (Therese Malvar), to college, while their older son, Jimmy (Dave Bornea), applies for odd jobs anywhere he can.

(Official movie photo)

Set in the wake of the botched 1986 snap elections, the story begins with widespread mass unrest. Members of the ruling class and their pawns, including the armed forces, are extremely divided as well. The Marianases, too wrapped up in their domestic problems, cannot be bothered with political activities, let alone political discussions. “’Wag na tayo sumali sa mga ganyan, kumayod na lang tayo nang kumayod (“Let us not participate in such things, let us work and nothing more)!” Beatriz passionately shuts down the slightest suggestion of social action from Dario.

Lamentably yet inevitably, crime, poverty and fascism are a reality that outweighs the family’s simple everyday resolve to put food on the table. A single day is about to change their lives when Jimmy unwittingly gets involved in a labor union strike, and Dario in a holdup incident aboard his jeepney. Both events lead to a violent clash with elements of the then Philippine Constabulary-Integrated National Police’s Metropolitan Command (MetroCom). To keep the criminals’ loot for themselves, the cops execute Dario. Only one passenger (Elora Españo) witnesses his murder. When Beatriz is summoned by the MetroCom, she does not believe what they tell her about the cause and nature of Dario’s sudden death. Still fighting off shock and tears, she threatens the cops with a civil complaint even though legal aid is the last thing they can afford on top of the funeral and burial costs. She sounds uncertain and meek, bordering on weak, but fearless nonetheless. The Marianases, despite being largely passive individuals at first, are instantly treated by the cops as enemies of the state.

Picache delivers a riveting performance, weaving in complex emotions into the simplest of lines. The overly dramatic music synchronized with her every howl and whimper almost ruins it in my opinion. In contrast, there is a perfect scene in the movie that is beautifully scored with Becky Demetillo-Abraham’s emotional interpretation of the film’s theme song of the same title: Dario’s father, peasant leader, Ka Elyong (Nanding Josef), quietly arrives at his son’s wake. Eyes brimming with tears, he is evidently shaken by the sight of Dario’s casket. Before him, a dove takes off from the ground. Its wings, flapping swiftly, miss his cheek by an inch or two.

Lamangan plays with the genre, juxtaposing the trials and tribulations of the Marianas family against old footages and shots of news clippings from the time. He also inserts a few humorous moments here and there—the most memorable is when Jimmy leaves a mortuary called “Badoy Funeral Services”—to the audience’s delight. Not all changes in narrative tone work to the film’s favor, though. For instance, in a heated argument near a workers’ strike, Jimmy and his friend Yix debate on the bigger enemy, Marcos the dictator or the capitalist, both of which are condemned by the workers on their placards. In another scene, student activists discuss the worsening rupture within the ruling class in the country, concluding that a “revolution” entails a total overhaul of the system, that the militant Left must not act hastily without first studying and assessing the situation with care and that this brewing People Power Revolution, however incomplete and insufficient, is to be cherished as the people’s initiative (“Atin ang rebolusyon!”).

There are quite a number of scenes like these whose intentions I wholeheartedly appreciate and agree with, but which could benefit from more showing rather than telling. Unfortunately, there is too much clunky dialogue and a dearth of nuance. This may be attributed partly to the low budget Oras has had to operate on, but mostly to a dogged desire to say everything all at once—not unlike an elder on his deathbed rushing his last words, worried that his successors might easily find it in their hearts to forgive and forget the trespasses committed against their ancestors. Seen this way, I somewhat understand the inelegant impulse with which Oras facilitates its discourse. After all, it yearns to speak to a nation twice duped by the Marcoses.

This yearning makes Oras an important film if only for the pursuit of Truth in an age when anything and everything can be true as long as the truth-teller is in power. Not only does it retell the events surrounding the first People Power from the masses’ point of view; it also reframes the common misconception about the people’s revolution—that placing flowers and yellow ribbons on soldiers’ guns or that millions of Filipinos clad in all-pink gathering to celebrate a woman leader will have to do (no matter how defiant that must have seemed in a post-Duterte, post-COVID Philippines!), and that it can be bloodless.

With its imperfect execution yet assuredly bold narrative, and even bolder ending which foregrounds the united people’s front over individual players other mainstream fiction and nonfiction films may tend to spotlight—the likes of Benigno and Corazon Aquino, Gringo Honasan, Juan Ponce Enrile, Fidel Ramos, etc.—Oras offers hope in the endless possibilities it presents when the passive bystander becomes an active agent of change, when students, doctors, rich employers and even high-ranking officials of the armed forces join the most oppressed and marginalized, the farmers and the workers (the Marianases, essentially), in their fight for justice and liberation. Oras takes comfort, and likewise gives comfort, in the fact that such are not merely possibilities but are, in reality, part of Philippine history.

It is not surprising then that the current administration has all but promoted social media content, YouTube vlogs and feature films that tell a dramatically different story. It is not surprising, either, that Darryl Yap’s Martyr or Murderer has since been moved from its original release date to the same date as Oras. There is an actual ongoing race of opposite interpretations of history. The Marcoses may have the upper hand of holding greater political power for now, but the people still possess their memory. Then again, memory, even in its most preserved state, can only do so much. A monument, no matter its size and significance to a people’s history, can only mean so much. And it certainly does not mean squat to a thiefdom even when they come with a wreath of white flowers and a message of peace.

In the open forum following the film’s invitational premiere at Cine Adarna in the University of the Philippines on February 24, Mila Aguilar, a poet and Martial Law survivor, tearfully shared how much she loved the movie and how, if only for an hour and 44 minutes, it made her forget the pain of being imprisoned. Indeed, Oras is Lamangan’s love letter to the Marianases and Milas, and all the other victims and survivors of the first Marcos regime. No one can ever take away whatever catharsis and solace this film may provide them.

As much as it comforts the afflicted, however, Oras also poses a challenge not just to the second Marcos regime, but to today’s young filmmakers, cultural workers and artists to create something out of the memories of our elders so that the lives they have lived and lessons they have painstakingly learned will not be in vain. We owe it to yesterday’s and tomorrow’s dreamers and freedom fighters to continue retelling our people’s stories, engaging in progressive discourses and actively participating in the relentless fight for Truth in the midst of massive disinformation, and in the years, arguably still, of living dangerously.

There is a remarkable level of innocence and earnest optimism to Oras as it remains steadfast in the fight for social change amidst a dominant atmosphere of jadedness and despair among Filipinos, especially in the aftermath of the May 2022 elections. Despite all that Lamangan has gone through, including his triple bypass surgery in December, and in spite of the anonymous death threat received by Ilagan recently, they have managed to push this courageous, little film to be shown in big cinemas in the country in the era of the Marcoses’ active efforts to distort history, no less. Far from perfection, Oras deserves all the credit for retelling and reimagining a true people’s revolt, something very few films dare hint at. It has a place in online archives, in schools, in the streets and in the countryside where history is not only remembered and retold, but more importantly, where the people make history. Do your loved ones a favor and bring them to see Oras de Peligro, now showing and lighting the signal fire of the anti-fascist historical revisionist discourse at cinemas nationwide.#

[FIRST PERSON] EDSA, kaarawan at Oishi 2022

Ni Amy V. Padilla

Ipinanganak ako sa panahon ng Martial Law. Ang diktador na si Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. na ang kinagisnan kong presidente hanggang sa mapatalsik ito ng mamamayang Pilipino noong 1986 Edsa People Power. Isang event at petsa na minemorya lang ang Martial Law. Sa madaling salita, buong formative at elementary years ko ay lansakang mga kasinungalingan na ng ‘golden years’, ‘peace and order’ at maayos na pamumuhay ang tinuro sa paaralan.

Kung dati si Maricel Soriano lang alam kong ka-birthday ko, mula nang 1986 ay lagi nang may tambal na Edsa at komemorasyon.

May mga kalat-kalat akong alaala bilang bata bago mag People Power. Tumatak sa akin ang matinding kagutuman ng mga sacada ng Negros, at dahil ito sa makapangyarihang larawan ng batang malnourished na kalaunan ay namatay. Naririnig ko ang usapan ng mga matatanda sa bahay – mataas na presyo ng langis, bilihin, maraming gutom – na hindi ko pa intindi. Ang naging intindi ko lang ay ganito rin ang sasapitin namin kaya inipon ko ilang natirang barya mula sa baon, pumunta sa sari-sari store at bumili ng mga tsitsiriang Oishi at Kirei prawn crackers para may pagkain kami. Nilagay ko pa ito sa cabinet at sinabi sa Nanay ko. Natawa sya.

Noong 1983 ng pinapatay ng diktador na si Marcos ang dating Senador Benigno Aquino, naiyak ang aking Nanay. Hindi ko unawa bakit.

Bago mapatalsik ang mga Marcos at patapos na ko ng elementarya, ang isa kong Tita naman ay nagpakilala sa akin ng akda ni Renato Constantino na “The Miseducation of the Filipino”. Nagsikap akong unti-unting basahin at unawain sa abot ng makakaya – na napakasalat. Ngunit dito ang simula ng unawa ko ng kolonyalismo at paggamit ng edukasyon para isulong ang interes ng mananakop. [Sa pagtanda na ang unawa sa papel ng ruling elite sa pananatili nito at ng imperyalismong US.]

Noong Edsa 1986, nakisali lang ako sa mga matatanda sa bahay sa pagmonitor ng balita; hindi nagtagumpay makalabas ng bahay ang Nanay ko dahil sa higpit ng lolo ko. Pero ng sumunod na taon, sinama ako ng Nanay ko sa Edsa para gunitain ito. Masaya ang atmosphere.

Kung kaya malaki ang pagpapasalamat ko sa aking Nanay at aking Tita na hindi pulos boladas ng rehimeng US-Marcos ang natanim sa akin bilang bata. Ang mga magulang ko ay kapwa mga kabataang aktibista noong dekada sitenta. Turing kong badge of honor na luwal ako ng mga kabataang mulat at kumilos sa partikular na sirkumstansya nila noon.

Pinatalsik ang mga baseng militar ng US sa huling taon ko high school – marginal lang sya sa akin habang nagkukumahog pumasa sa NCEE (eto pa dati) at college entrance exams. Ngunit sa Catholic high school nasimulang mabuo ang diwa ng paglilingkod sa kapwa, bagaman wala pa sa lente ng makauring pagsusuri.

Sa pagpasok ko ng kolehiyo, unti-unting mas nasistematisa ang unawa sa lipunang Pilipino lalo sa ilalim ng diktadurya – ang pangangayupapa sa US sa neoliberal na mga patakaran (para manatiling bansot, atrasadong agraryo, pre-industrial ang ekonomiya) at mga malalaki nitong base militar, burukrata kapitalismo na crony capitalism ni Marcos, pandarambong, at talamak na human rights violations.

At ano ang partikuar na kalagayan noong 1983 na nag-Oishi panic buying ako? Kasagsagan ng foreign debt borrowing binge ni Marcos na may kaakibat na austerity measures na lalong nagpahirap sa ordinaryong mamamayan. Sa tindi ng pangungutang ng diktador, Pilipinas lang ang tanging bansang bansa sa Asya na kumaharap ng debt crisis.

Sa tuwirang pakikisalamuha at pakikisangkot sa isyung masa mas luminaw ang lagim ng diktadurya –  lalo na ng makilala at makasamang kumilos ang mga biktima nito gaya nila Ka Satur Ocampo, Crispin Beltran at napakarami pang iba.

Hindi hugot sa hangin ang tala ng Amnesty International na mula 1971 hanggang 1981, nasa 72,00 ang nakulong; 34,000 ang tinortyur at 3,240 ang pinatay. Ang mga pangalan ng martir ng Martial Law, kabilang ang nagsulong ng armadong pakikibaka para labanan ang diktaduryang US-Marcos, ay nasa Bantayog ng mga Bayani.

Isang ‘shining moment’ sa ating kasaysayan ang Edsa People Power na nagsilbing inspirasyon sa buong mundo. Akumulasyon ito ng mahabang panahong paglaban ng mga mamamayan sa matinding pahirap ng rehimen, bunsod pangunahin ng napakalalang krisis pangekonomiya.

Subalit hindi nito binago ang pundamental na karakter ng lipunang Pilipino na malakolonyal at malapyudal; ang paghahari at pagsasamantala ng iilan sa mayoryang naghihirap na mamamayan; at ang kontrol ng imperyalismong US. Wala namang ilusyon na sa isang iglap ay maisasakatuparan ang pambansang demokratikong interes at kahilingan ng batayang masa na hindi nababago sa saligan ang moda ng produksyon.

Ngunit maraming aral ang Edsa na mahalaga. Ang sama-samang pagkilos ng mamamayan laban sa tiraniya at diktadurya para sa demokrasya. Ang maninidigan para sa interes ng mga mahirap at api, na ubod ng Kristiyanong panananampalataya na ‘love thy neighbor’ o ‘serve the people’ sa aktibistang turan. Lalo ngayon, ang labanan sa abot ng ating kayanin na huwag manumbalik ang mga Marcos sa Malacanang at manatili ang copycat Duterte sa poder sa pamamagitan ng anak. Ang pabulaanan ang malawakang historical revisionism at distortion na aktibong ginagawa ng mga Marcos.

Sinuka, pinatalsik na ng bayan ang pamilyang Marcos. Nasa kasaysayan maging ng buong mundo ang pandarambong, pagpatay at pagpapasasa sa nakaw na yaman. Hindi na sila dapat manumbalik pa at bagkus, dapat papanagutin sa mga krimen at kasalanan sa mamamayang Pilipino.

Tatlumpung-anim na taon matapos ang Edsa People Power, malayo na inabot ng unawa mula sa petiburges, musmos Oishi panic-buying ng dekada otsenta. Dapat namang may pagkatandaan. Ngunit mas marami pang aral na hahalawin sa praktika at teorya – kabilang ang mula sa mga nakakatandang naghahawan ng landas, gumagabay sa susunod na mga henerasyon. Lalo sa pagdiin ng ating abang mortalidad sa panahon ng pandemya, mahalaga ang legacy na iiwan.

Sa aking sariling salinlahi na lumaking mulat at may pagmamahal sa bayan, at mga nakababatang naging kasama na naimpluwensiyahan kahit papaano sa iba’t-ibang kapasidad at paraan, gaano man kamunti – may assurance na may magpapatuloy ng laban. The kids are alright, ika nga. Maligaya sa pagtanda, still.

Never Again. Never Forget.

No to Another Marcos in Malacanang!

= = = =

Ang may akda ay nagdiwang ng kanyang kaarawan sa EDSA People Power Monument kahapon, Pebrero 25. Hindi alam ng Kodao kung ilang taon na siya.

‘Nagpapatuloy ang pakikibaka para sa kalayaan at hustisya’

“Talumpu’t limang taon ang nakalipas, kasama sa martsa ng mamamayang Pilipino ang uring manggagawa para ibagsak ang isang diktador. Subalit ang inisyal na tagumpay na magtutulak sana ng mga ekonomiko at pampulitikang reporma ay tuloy-tuloy na nilustay ng mga sumunod na rehimen. Pero isa ang tiyak: Nananatiling buhay ang militansya ng pagkakaisa ng mamamayang Pilipino. Nagpapatuloy ang pakikibaka para sa kalayaan at hustisya ng ating bayan.”Jerome Adonis, Pangkalahatang Kalihim, Kilusang Mayo Uno

#EDSA35: Bayan Ko

Sa paggunita ng ika-35 anibersaryo ng EDSA People Power, inihahandog ng Kodao Productions, People’s Chorale, mga lider mula sa Simbahan, Makabayan, Bayan, Magsasaka, Kabataan, organisasyong masa at mga aktibista ang awiting Bayan Ko.

Ang kasaysayan ng patriyotikong awit na “Bayan Ko” ay malalandas pabalik sa pakikibaka laban sa pananakop ng Amerika. Sinulat ni Jose Alejandrino, Pilipinong heneral at propagandista ang tulang “Nuestra Patria,” na tatlong dekada makalipas ay isasalin sa Tagalog ni Jose Corazon de Jesus at lalapatan ng musika ni Constancio de Guzman.

Magiit ang presensya ng “Bayan Ko” sa lahat ng yugto ng kasaysayan ng Pilipinas. Naging popular din ito sa mga Pilipino noong okupasyon ng mga Hapon. Noong 1970, tinampok ang “Bayan Ko” sa muling pagtatanghal ng sarswelang “Walang Sugat” ni Severino de los Reyes. Inawit sa mga protesta kontra sa diktaduryang Marcos ang “Bayan Ko,” at sa ilang pagkakataon ay ginawan ng modipikasyon ang liriko nito. At ganoon na lamang ang popularidad ng awit sa mamamayan kaya itinuring na sedisyoso nang ideklara ang Batas Militar. Pero paano ba masusupil ng baril ang isang awit?

Patuloy na naging bahagi ng pagpapataas ng diwang palaban ng mamamayan ang “Bayan Ko” – inaawit ng kilusang masa sa maraming larangan, hanggang sa maging awit ng malawak na alyansang tuluyang nagpatalsik sa diktador noong Pebrero 25, 1986.

Tatlumpu’t limang taon makaraan ay nanatiling panawagan ng pagkakaisa at pakikibaka ang awit na ito. Hindi kailanman nawalan ng bisa ng “Bayan Ko,” lalo lamang umiigting sa harap ng nanumbalik na diktardurya.

Muli natin itong aawitin bilang paggunita at pagpapatuloy sa diwa ng EDSA. Alalahaning nasa ating kamay ang katapusan ng pasista, korap, pabaya, utu-uto sa dayuhan at pahirap sa mamamayang presidente at kanyang mga alipores. Alalahaning hindi lang minsan nating nagawa na sama-samang itindig ang demokrasya.

Maraming salamat sa lahat na nagbahagi at nakiisa sa panawagan

Andre Bisenio para sa intrumentation ng awiting Bayan Ko
Maki De la Rosa para sa introdukstion ng bidyo
Nene Mosqueda, Music Consultant

Lider Simbahan
Bishop Gerardo Alminaza, Diocese of San Carlos
Mother Mary John Mananzan, OSB
Msgr. Erwin D. Magnanao, Diocese of San Carlos.
Sr. Judith Diaz, OSB
Fr. Almer Forrosuelo, Diocese of San Carlos
Sr, Jeane Amar, SAMIN
Brother Armin Altamirano Luistro, FSC
Sr. Lisa Ruedas, DC
Bishop Solito Toquero, UMC
Rev. Irma Mepico Balaba
Bishop Jerome Barris, UCCP EVJA
Deaconness, Rubylin Litao
Fr. Mario Quince, IFI
Very Revd. Christopher Ablon, IFI

Makabayan Bloc
Rep. Carlos Isagani Zarate, BM
Rep. Ferdinand Gaite, BM
Rep. Sarah Elago, Kabataan
Former Rep. Antonio Tinio, ACT
Agnes Mesina, Makabayan-Cagayan Valley
Deo Montesclaros, BM-CV
Walter Villegas, Kabataan PL-CV

Lider Masa
Dr. Carol Araullo, Bayan
Prof. Judy Taguiwalo
Ka Paeng Mariano, KMP
Prof. Sarah Raymundo
Renato Reyes, Bayan
Prof. Rommel Linatoc
Kej Andres, SCM

Dr. Geneve Rivera, Reyes, HEAD
Robert Mendoza, AHW
Vicky Aquino, AHW

Nanay Lore Benedicto, Rise Up for Life and for Rights
Isabelo Adviento, Danggayan Dagiti Mannalon-CV
Ferdinand Valdez, UMA-Isabela
Matthew Santiago, ACT Region III
Rosanilla Consad, ACT Region XIII
Kenneth Cadiang, SOS-CARAGA
Nonoy Espina, NUJP

Atty. Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, NUPL
Atty. Kathy Panguban, NUPL

Cita Managuelod, SENTRA-CV
Xandra Casambre-Bisenio, IBON and Kapatid
Clarice Palce, Gabriela Youth
Dania Reyes, ILPS-Philippines
Paul Belisario, IPMSDL

Bugsy Nolasco
Dessa Ilagan
Lou Mendez
Jessie Barcelona
Romie Malonzo
Patricia Marleni Malonzo
Justine Nicole Malonzo

Bayan, PCPR, ACT

Sambayanang Pilipino

Tone deaf and ironic: BAYAN slams ‘Run Sara Run’ motorcade

Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) scored the motorcade on Epifanio delos Santos Avenue (EDSA) Thursday morning urging Davao City mayor Sara Duterte-Carpio to file her candidacy in next year’s presidential elections.

BAYAN secretary general Renato Reyes Jr. said it is “strangely ironic” that the motorcade was held on the 35th anniversary of the 1986 uprising that brought down the 14-year dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos.

“While it is their right to hold an event, the timing is tone deaf and seems oblivious to the pandemic and the worsening economic crisis,” Reyes said.

In many ways, the motorcade was inappropriate and tended to insult those who fought against the Marcos dictatorship, Reyes added.

A group calling itself the Alyansa ni Inday Movement (AIM) held a “Run Sara Run” motorcade along EDSA that stopped over at the People Power Monument as various groups and the Quezon City government alternately held commemorative programs.

Some of the group’s placards claimed the Davao City mayor is the “NEW FACE of People Power.”

Reyes said it is strangely ironic that some groups would use the uprising’s anniversary to call for the perpetuation of one family in power that is both “a dictatorship and a dynasty.”

“These are the more pressing matters that need attention, not early campaigning or electioneering,” Reyes said.

Duterte-Carpio, daughter of the incumbent president, has in the past downplayed the uprising’s importance in the country’s history.

“I find it hard to understand why this bloodless revolution has become the standard definition of freedom for our country and this standard is forced down our throats by a certain group of individuals who think they are better than everyone else,” Duterte-Carpio said in a response to Archbishop Socrates Villegas in 2017.

Villegas criticized the Duterte administration as a shame to the spirit of EDSA because of its human rights record.

Duterte-Carpio had also had been repeatedly accused of being pro-Marcos, evidenced by her close friendship with Senator Imee Marcos.

President Duterte himself is believed to be a Marcos supporter.

President Duterte has repeatedly denied that her daughter is a presidential candidate while the mayor herself said she has no plans for the presidency. # (Raymund B. Villanueva)

EDSA at diktadurya

“Tayo ang EDSA! Tayo ang pag-asa, ang totoo at ang pinakamakapangyarihang pwersa laban sa diktatura!“–Bagong Alyansang Makabayan secretary general Renato Reyes Jr. during a commemoration of the first People Power Uprising at EDSA last Saturday, 23 January.

It’s not just about Sereno

By Luis V. Teodoro

The unprecedented removal through quo warranto proceedings of Chief Justice Ma. Lourdes Sereno from her post isn’t only about her, or solely about the Supreme Court, the rule of law, the Constitution, or the Duterte regime and its autocratic pretensions. Even more crucially is it about the fate and future of the democratization process that at least twice in history has been interrupted at its most crucial stage, and, driven by the need to address political and economic underdevelopment, has had to twice start all over again in this country.

The democratization of Philippine society began with the reform movement of the late 19th century and reached its highest point during the Revolution of 1896, which was as much for independence, equality and social justice as it was against Spanish colonial rule. Through the worker-led Katipunan, the Revolution was on the verge of defeating the Spanish forces and had achieved de facto independence when a near-fatal combination of betrayal by the Magdalo faction of the rural gentry and foreign intervention prevented its fruition despite the First Republic, and left it unfinished.

United States recognition of Philippine independence in 1946 made the resumption of the democratization process and the completion of the Revolution possible. But thanks to the heirs of the principalia — the handful of families the US had trained in the fine arts of backroom politics and self-aggrandizement during its formal occupation of the Philippines — what instead ensued for two decades was a succession of administrations that prospered while presiding over the country and its people’s continuing poverty and underdevelopment, subservience to foreign interests, and political disempowerment.

Against these fundamental ills there had always been both armed and unarmed resistance even during the country’s captivity to US colonialism. But it was in the mid-1960s when the historic demands of the Philippine Revolution found their best expression in the movement for change initially led by workers and students which soon spread across the entire country and among various sectors. Its demand for the democratization of political power, for authentic independence, gender equality, agrarian revolution, and national industrialization resonated enough among the peasantry, progressive professionals, indigenous peoples, the enlightened religious, and liberated women to mobilize hundreds of thousands.

In the First Quarter Storm of 1970, the numbers of its adherents and the power of their demands were demonstrably enough for the second Marcos administration to use state violence to suppress the strikes, demonstrations and other mass actions that were almost daily challenging dynastic rule by demanding the end of feudalism, bureaucrat capitalism and imperialism. In response to these demands, and to keep himself in power beyond 1973, Marcos suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in 1971 and made good on his threat to declare martial law in 1972, when he placed the entire country under a dictatorship sustained by military bayonets on the pretext of saving the Republic and reforming society while actually doing the opposite.

Despite the worst repression, despite the arrests and detention, despite the torture, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killing of thousands of the best and brightest sons and daughters of the people, it was in the resistance to the Marcos terror regime that democratization continued to find expression.

Many of those in the resistance refused to surrender it during the period of repression, but it took 14 years of armed and unarmed defiance before the Filipino people once more recovered the possibility of exercising the democratic right to shape their own future. However, despite its promise of far-reaching change with the overthrow of the Marcos dictatorship, over the last 32 years the 1986 civilian-military mutiny known as People Power or EDSA 1 has failed to deliver on that promise, thanks to the continuing monopoly over political power of the same dynasties that for over a century have prevented the realization of the changes Philippine society so desperately needs.

Over those three decades, people’s organizations and other democratic formations persisted in fighting for those changes. In 2001, outraged over the corruption and incompetence of a plunderous regime, they removed another president from power. While state repression in various forms, and with it such human rights violations as torture, enforced disappearances, abductions and extrajudicial killings continued, the reigns of three of the five presidents after Marcos that preceded Rodrigo Duterte’s have not been openly antagonistic to due process, the bill of rights, press freedom, and the system of checks and balances.

The Corazon Aquino, Fidel Ramos, and Benigno Aquino III administrations at least paid lip service to the desirability of peace and the rule of law. But one cannot say the same of the Joseph Estrada and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo regimes. The former was mostly focused on the use of the presidency in amassing wealth, while the latter was intent on remaining in power, and did not hesitate to use state violence to suppress dissent and opposition in advancing and protecting the personal, family and class interests behind it.

But it is the Duterte regime, with the enthusiastic support of the Estrada and Arroyo cliques, that has most imperiled the realization of the legitimate demands for the democratization of political power and economic opportunity, true independence, and inclusive development. It has become increasingly clear that President Rodrigo Duterte has not bothered to craft any master plan to end or even reduce poverty, or even such of its manifestations as environmental degradation, limited employment opportunities and low agricultural productivity under an archaic tenancy system. But he does have a blueprint for the restoration of authoritarian rule through his accomplices’ and minions’ dominance in the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government.

The abridgment of press freedom, the attacks on human rights, the willful debasement of public discourse, the further erosion of the already erratic observance of the rule of law, and the subversion of the little that survives of the system of checks and balances through the orchestrated attacks on the ombudsman and Chief Justice Sereno are parts of the plot to undermine what little is left of democracy in these isles of uncertainty. By riding the crest of mass disaffection with government and the burgeoning demand for change and revolution to win the Presidency in 2016, Mr. Duterte has managed to hijack all three branches of government.

The ouster of Sereno as Chief Justice is not solely about Sereno. Neither is it about the Maleficent Six. It is about the imminent danger of dictatorship. This is the context in which, with the collaboration of his cohorts in Congress and the Supreme Court itself, Mr. Duterte is putting a stop to the democratization of Philippine society as Ferdinand Marcos did in 1972. For the third time since the late 19th and early 20th centuries, that process is once more in danger of interruption — and worse, its final liquidation.

In these circumstances only the people themselves can put a stop to the latest assault on their right to self-government and the realization of their aspirations for a society of peace, justice and equality. Because the leaders to whom they had previously delegated their sovereign authority had failed them, they exercised their right and duty to remove them in 1986, and again in 2001.

Some events in the political lives of nations can be the turning point in the resolution of the contradictions that afflict them. The Sereno “incident” could be that point.

(First published in BusinessWorld. Photo from the Supreme Court.)

Progressives say fight continues 31 years after EDSA

Progressive organizations marched to EDSA to commemorate the 31st anniversary of the first EDSA People Power uprising that deposed the dictator Ferdinand Marcos.

While they recalled the horrors that many suffered under Marcos’ Martial Law, they said genuine change has yet to happen.

The group did not join the pro-Aquino or the pro-Duterte activities which were held separately yesterday. Read more

REVIEW: Political comedy as symptomatic of what’s wrong after EDSA

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THE FIRST PEOPLE POWER uprising gave Filipinos a phenomenon that, ironically, is a symptom of its failures. The ouster of the strongman Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 gave rise to local political comedy that burst out from the gates with the likes of the IBC 13’s Sic O’clock News and ABS-CBN’s Abangan ang Susunod na Kabanata. For the first time in many years, comedians may make fun of politicians and their shenanigans. It was such a fresh whiff of air and the Filipinos breathed it in by the lungful.

Jon Santos was a product of those tumultuous, albeit sometimes funny, times. He cut his teeth under veteran comedians Tessie Tomas and Willie Nepumuceno and has never stopped looking back since. As the country commemorates the 30th anniversary of Edsa 1 this year, Santos stages his funny-sad tribute to People Power and all the political craziness and crazies it spawned with an hour and a half comedy show entitled Hugot Your Vote: WTF (Wala Talagang Forever…sa Malacañang) at Resorts World Manila.

Last March 5, Santos performed before a capacity crowd at the Marriot Grand Ballroom. Drawing from international pop star Madonna’s recent concert in Manila, he emerged onstage with a “Vogue” number that sings and dances about the Filipino’s current travails—elections, traffic, a strong-arming China, moralizing bishops, and others. The opening segment was obviously an attempt to be current, although Madonna was as 80s throwback as anyone. A receptive audience was generous with its chortles.

Santos was just warming up though. What really got the audience in stitches were two of his standards—his exemplifications of Miriam Defensor Santiago and Joseph Estrada. Although the characters now talk about the senator’s second presidential bid and her famous pick-up lines, as well as the mayor’s new “Eraptions” none of the jokes really sounded new. But Santos was so funny the audience could not help but applaud in between laughs.

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Election-themed and staged during yet another campaign period Santos’s show included an exemplification of Grace Poe, a candidate to be the next president of the Philippines. As amply suggested by the jokes, Poe is a unique product of our post-Edsa times. While finding political fame after the Marcos era the jokes could not help but refer to her family’s loyalty to the dictator, even rumors about her biological links with the late dictator. It was also as much Poe’s fault that Santos had to deliver many of her character’s lines ala-FPJ.

If the show had a low point, it was Santos’ exemplification of Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III. This was when the audience almost stopped laughing and the mood change was palpable. Despite the, err, headpiece, the yellow shirt, the high-waist pair of pants and the awkward gait, the character, as the person being characterized, just isn’t funny. The comedian here is tested to his thespian limits. Perhaps Santos would have better success impersonating Aquino’s anointed candidate Mar Roxas in future runs instead.

Santos’ exemplification of Mommy D is a direct contrast of his Aquino. The person is funny in her unique way in the first place. Her lines on the show however are new, referring to Congressman Emmanuel Pacquiao’s fairly recent tirade against same-sex marriage. Moreover, it is highly probable that Senate shall soon have its boxer in addition to basketballers and bowlers anyway.

As political jokes became funny again immediately post-Edsa, Santos’s WTF jokes are still funny thirty years later. One wishes though that the politicians and personalities that make our country a butt of jokes start becoming part of the past. # (Raymund B. Villanueva)